Foreign Currency Rates - Wells Fargo

Forex cards online | Foreign Currency exchange rates – Indiranagar

Orient exchange – Best Foreign currency exchange rates in Indiranagar, We provide you best rates as compare to market. We are an RBI authorized dealer category 2.
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Forex cards online | Foreign Currency exchange rates – Indiranagar

Orient exchange – Best Foreign currency exchange rates in Indiranagar, We provide you the best rates as compared to the market. We are an RBI authorized dealer category 2.
submitted by Yaswanthorient to foreignexchange [link] [comments]

Best Foreign Currency Exchange Rates in Bangalore | Buy Forex Cards - Orientexchange

Orientexchange Providing best currency exchange, Foreign Currency, Money exchange rates in Bangalore. Top Money Changer, buy Travel cards, buy USD at best price compare to market rates.
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Forex cards online | Foreign Currency exchange rates – Indiranagar

Orient exchange – Best Foreign currency exchange rates in Indiranagar, We provide you best rates as compare to market. We are an RBI authorized dealer category 2
submitted by Yaswanthorient to foreignexchange [link] [comments]

Best Foreign currency Exchange Rates in Belgaum- Buy forex Cards Online

Serving the community with the best rates in Foreign Currency Exchange for years on end, Orient Exchange has brought similar ease and security to its online platform. People all over India have flocked to solve their money exchange requirements and have successfully done so with unmatched service and hand-holding during instrumental transactions. The secret to being revealed off in the first part is that they are beyond customer-centric, they are clear-headed and hyper-focused in their tailored services, improving the customer experience every day.
Beyond currency exchange rates
As an industry leader, we can't ever proclaim that there's ever a thing that's instrumental in foreign currency exchange as much as rates. It is to be agreed by all that customer centricity is the future, especially to new customer-facing organisations entering modern platforms like online to tweak their whole business model in order to serve the changing market scenario and unprecedented growth in tech to secure transactions with bleeding edge SSL securities.
The key factor in Orient Exchange's ability to give the best rates to its customers is the well-thought-out business model of foreign currency import through strong relationship and business ties with foreign countries, especially ones like UAE and HongKong. Flaunting their cash-flow, mainly due to their ability to pull an international crowd for the booming tourism sector, the nations have been really kind and helpful in our domestic operations to provide foreign currency exchange.
Tailored services in Foreign currency exchange
Outward Remittance is a stellar service, where our customers make use of it to send money to their loved ones studying or travelling abroad and are in immediate need of cash. Whilst people flock generally to get their kids and friends the emergency cash requirement satisfied in a binge so that they don't get stuck in the middle of a hard situation, we are proud in successfully handling countless Outward Remittance transactions over the years and promise to continue to do so in the coming years as a Category II, RBI authorised money changers near you.
Forex cards are another speciality by Orient Exchange
As we mentioned earlier regarding the hyper-focus of services, Forex Cards is the first in a line of them. Targeted at the most travelling customers, be it for professional requirements or just casual travellers who are keen to spend too much time on trips, who are more likely to spend foreign currency and do need a sophisticated travel card. Forex cards are akin to shopping cards with added benefits of spending on offshore purchases.
The best currency exchange platform in India
With perks like RBI authorisation, Orient Exchange has an ethos to maintain by being compliant to various governing bodies and keeping your transaction completely on the books to ensure legal and transparent proceedings. More than anything in the world of foreign currency exchange, they are known for their best rates and their strong ties with foreign nations with an onslaught of tourism, opening doors for the customers to explore the world of tourism and spend their precious money in the right spot with best rewards and optimum security.
Check the latest rates here and the keep yourself updated in the Foreign Currency Exchange, so that your transactions are well informed and timed to reap you the best options.
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Foreign Currency Exchange In Lucknow| Forex Rates In Lucknow

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Foreign Currency Exchange In Lucknow| Forex Rates In Lucknow

submitted by sanjeevgoswami693 to u/sanjeevgoswami693 [link] [comments]

Automatic Forex Trading utilizes special software that keeps an eye on the trade and the currency rates. It is there to keep an eye on the foreign exchange rates.

submitted by karmaran to [link] [comments]

“No Foreign Transaction Fee Credit Cards” Question

Hi everyone,
I have come across a question/problem and was hoping someone could provide some clarity.
I traveled to Canada last year and was recently going over my Credit Card statements (I know - super late) and noticed that the Currency Exchange rate that I was charged from my bank (Citi) wasn’t a competitive rate at all. In fact, I would have been better off exchanging the money myself at a currency exchange shop. Please keep in mind that my Credit Card is considered a “No Foreign Transaction Fee Credit Cards.”
My question: aren’t banks actually making huge profits by offering non-competitive currency exchange rates without the knowledge their card holders?
I’m asking this because I believe many people don’t factor the exchange rate into account when applying for a “No Foreign Transaction Fee Credit Cards.”
On top of this: there are Credit Cards that people use with a 3% foreign transaction fee + a non-competitive exchange rate. Is this one of the main ways that Credit Card companies make money? I know Capital One offers “No Foreign Transaction Fee Credit Cards” — but there has to be a way they can make some $$$ on this… is it by offering non-competitive exchange rates?
Any input would be appreciated — Thank you in advance.
submitted by HiiAndByee to travel [link] [comments]

How do people take advantage of exchange rates?

I promise I have taken an economics 101 class but they didn't explain this specifically and my local library is closed.
Could I buy Argentinian pesos and wait until the exchange rate is closer to $1 (instead of the <<<$1 it is now) and then I guess re-exchange the pesos for dollars? I know people make money off of this (I'm not planning to, it seems mean to the Argentinian economy) but *how*. I'd ask a money-centered sub but people are frequently judgemental or don't read what you've written and think you're an idiot.
submitted by ToKeepAndToHoldForev to NoStupidQuestions [link] [comments]

Forex with Brim Mastercard

For the purposes of avoiding forex fees, I reluctantly applied for the Brim Mastercard. I currently have the Scotia Passport Visa but I want to get rid of it because I don't really make use of the lounge passes. Therefore it's not worth it.
Brim reserves the right to set their own forex rate, thus hiding possible forex fees.
I asked them about it today on the phone. They said they're still working on setting their own rates but nothing has been decided yet and no decision has even been made if they will go through with it or not. For now they said they're going with the Mastercard rate.
Does anyone possibly work for Brim or have more info? With the changes to the Rogers world elite card and avoiding the annual fee, I feel Brim is my only option.
I also don't want a prepaid card like Stack.
submitted by RationalSocialist to PersonalFinanceCanada [link] [comments]

RBI & how its policies can start to affect the market

Disclaimer: This DD is to help start forming a market view as per RBI announcements. Also a gentle reminder that fundamentals play out over a longer time frame than intraday. The authors take no responsiblity for your yolos.
With contributions by Asli Bakchodi, Bran OP & dragononweed!

What is the RBI?
RBI is the central bank of India. They are one of the key players who affect India’s economic trajectory. They control currency supply, banking rules and more. This means that it is not a bank in which retailers or corporates can open an account with. Instead they are a bank for bankers and the Government of India.
Their functions can be broadly classified into 6.
· Monetary authority
· Financial supervisor for financial system
· Issuer of currency
· Manages Foreign exchange
· Bankers bank
· Banker to the government
This DD will take a look at each of these functions. It will be followed by a list of rates the RBI sets, and how changes in them can affect the market.
1. Monetary Authority
One of RBI’s functions is to achieve the goal of “Price Stability” in the economy. This essentially means achieving an inflation rate that is within a desired limit.
A monetary policy committee (MPC) decides on the desired inflation rate and its limits through majority vote of its 6 members, in consultation with the GoI.
The current inflation target for RBI is as follows
Consumer Price Inflation (CPI): 4%
Upper Limit: 6%
Lower Limit: 2%
An increase in CPI means less purchasing power. Generally speaking, if inflation is too high, the public starts cutting down on spending, leading to a negative impact on the markets. And vice versa. Lower inflation leads to more purchasing power, more spending, more investments leading to a positive impact on the market.
2. Financial Supervisor For Financial System
A financial system consists of financial markets (Capital market, money market, forex market etc.), financial institutions (banks, stock exchanges, NBFC etc) & financial assets (currencies, bills, bonds etc)
RBI supervises this entire system and lays down the rules and regulations for it. It can also use further ‘Selective Credit Controls’ to regulate banks.
3. Issues of currency
The RBI is responsible for the printing of currency notes. RBI is free to print as much as it wants as long as the minimum reserve of Rs 200 Cr (Gold 112 Cr) is maintained. The RBI has total assets or a balance size sheet of Rs. 51 trillion (April 2020). (1 Trillion = 1 Lakh crore)
India’s current reserves mean our increase in currency circulation is well managed.
4. Manages Foreign Exchange
RBI regulates all of India’s foreign exchange transactions. It is the custodian of all of foreign currencies in India. It allows for the foreign exchange value of the rupee to be controlled. RBI also buy and sell rupees in the foreign exchange market at its discretion.
In case of any currency movement, a country’s central bank can directly intervene to either push the currency up, as India has been doing, or to keep it artificially low, as the Chinese central bank does. To push up a currency, a central bank can sell dollars, which is the global reserve currency, or the currency against which all others are measured. To push down a currency, a central bank can buy dollars.
The RBI deciding this depends on the import/export and financial health of the country. Generally a weaker rupee means imports are more expensive, but are favourable for exports. And a stronger rupee means imports are cheaper but are unfavourable for exports.
A weaker rupee can make foreign investment more lucrative driving up FII. A stronger rupee can have an adverse effect of FII investing in markets.
5. Banker’s Bank
Every bank has to maintain a certain amount of reserve with the RBI. A certain percentage of a bank’s liabilities (anywhere between 3-15% as decided by RBI) has to be maintained in this account. This is called the Cash Reserve Ratio. This is determined by the MPC during the monetary policy review (which happens every six weeks at present).
It lends money from this reserve to other banks if they are short on cash, but generally, it is seen as a last resort move. Banks are encouraged to meet their shortfalls of cash from other resources.
6. Banker to the government
RBI is the entity that carries out ALL monetary transactions on behalf of the Government. It holds custody of the cash balance of the Government, gives temporary loans to both central and state governments and manages the debt operations of the central Government, through instruments of debt and the interest rates associated with them - like bonds.
The different rates set & managed by RBI
- Repo rate
The rate at which RBI is willing to lend to commercial banks is called as Repo Rate.
Banks sometimes need money for emergency or to maintain the SLR and CRR (explained below). They borrow this from RBI but have to pay some interest on it. The interest that is to be paid on the amount to the RBI is called as Repo Rate.
It does not function like a normal loan but acts like a forward contract. Banks have to provide collateral like government bonds, T-bills etc. Repo means Repurchase Option is the true meaning of Repo an agreement where the bank promises to repurchase these government securities after the repo period is over.
As a tool to control inflation, RBI increases the Repo Rate making it more expensive for banks to borrow from the RBI with a view to restrict availability of money. Exact opposite stance shall be taken in case of deflationary environment.
The change of repo rate is aimed to affect the flow of money in the economy. An increase in repo rate decreases the flow of money in the economy, while the decrease in repo rate increases the flow of money in the economy. RBI by changing these rates shows its stance to the economy at large whether they prioritize growth or inflation.
- Reverse Repo Rate
The rate at which the RBI is willing to borrow from the Banks is called as Reverse Repo Rate. If the RBI increases the reverse repo rate, it means that the RBI is willing to offer lucrative interest rate to banks to park their money with the RBI. Banks in this case agree to resell government securities after reverse repo period.
Generally, an increase in reverse repo rate that banks will have a higher incentive to park their money with RBI. It decreases liquidity, affecting the market in a negative manner. Decrease in reverse repo rate increases liquidity affecting the market in a positive manner.
Both the repo rate and reverse repo rate fall under the Liquidity Adjustment Facility tools for RBI.
- Cash reserve ratio (CRR)
Banks in India are required to deposit a specific percentage of their net demand and time liabilities (NDTL) in the form of CASH with the RBI. This minimum ratio (that is the part of the total deposits to be held as cash) is stipulated by the RBI and is known as the CRR or Cash Reserve Ratio. These reserves will not be in circulation at any point in time.
For example, if a bank had a NDTL (like current Account, Savings Account and Fixed Deposits) of 100Cr and the CRR is at 3%, it would have to keep 3Cr as Cash reserve ratio to the RBI. This amount earns no interest.
Currently it is at 3%. A lower cash ratio means banks can deposit just a lower amount and use the remaining money leading to higher liquidity. This translates to more money to invest which is seen as positive for the market. Inversely, a higher cash ratio equates to lower liquidity which translates to a negative market sentiment.
Thus, the RBI uses the CRR to control excess money flow and regulate liquidity in the economy.
- Statutory liquidity ratio (SLR)
Banks in India have to keep a certain percentage of their net demand and time liabilities WITH THEMSELVES. And this can be in the form of liquid assets like gold and government securities, not just cash. A lot of banks keep them in government bonds as they give a decent interest.
The current SLR ratio of 18.25%, which means that for every Rs.100 deposited in a bank, it has to invest Rs.18.50 in any of the asset classes approved by RBI.
A low SLR means higher levels of loans to the private sector. This boosts investment and acts as a positive sentiment for the market. Conversely a high SLR means tighter levels of credit and can cause a negative effect on the market.
Essentially, the RBI uses the SLR to control ease of credit in the economy. It also ensures that the banks maintain a certain level of funds to meet depositor’s demands instead of over liquidation.
- Bank Rate
Bank rate is a rate at which the Reserve Bank of India provides the loan to commercial banks without keeping any security. There is no agreement on repurchase that will be drawn up or agreed upon with no collateral as well. This is different from repo rate as loans taken with repo rate are taken on the basis of securities. Bank rate hence is higher than the repo rate.
Currently the bank rate is 4.25%. Since bank rate is essentially a loan interest rate like repo rate, it affects the market in similar ways.
- Marginal Cost of Funds based Lending Rate (MCLR)
This is the minimum rate below which the banks are not allowed to lend. Raising this rate, makes loans more expensive, drying up liquidity, affecting the market in a negative way. Similarly, lower MCLR rates will bring in high liquidity, affecting the market in a positive way.
MCLR is a varying lending rate instead of a single rate according to the kind of loans. Currently, the MCLR rate is between 6.65% - 7.15%
- Marginal Standing facility
Marginal Standing Facility is the interest rate at which a depository institution (generally banks) lends or borrows funds with another depository institution in the overnight market. Overnight market is the part of financial market which offers the shortest term loans. These loans have to be repaid the next day.
MSF can be used by a bank after it exhausts its eligible security holdings for borrowing under other options like the Liquidity adjustment facilities.
The MSF would be a penal rate for banks and the banks can borrow funds by pledging government securities within the limits of the statutory liquidity ratio.
The current rate stands at 4.25%. The effect it has on the market is synonymous with the other lending rates such as repo rate & bank rate.
- Loan to value ratio
The loan-to-value (LTV) ratio is an assessment of lending risk that financial institutions and other lenders examine before approving a mortgage. Typically, loan assessments with high LTV ratios are considered higher risk loans.
Basically, if a companies preferred form of collateral rises in value and leads the market (growing faster than the market), then the company will see the loans that it signed with higher LTV suddenly reduce (but the interest rate remains the same).
Let’s consider an example of gold as a collateral. Consider a loan was approved with gold as collateral. The market price for gold is Rs 2000/g, and for each g, a loan of Rs 1500 was given. (The numbers are simplified for understanding). This would put LTV of the loan at 1500/2000 = 0.75. Since it is a substantial LTV, say the company priced the loan at 20% interest rate.
Now the next year, the price of gold rose to Rs 3000/kg. This would mean that the LTV of the current loan has changed to 0.5 but the company is not obligated to change the interest rate. This means that even if the company sees a lot of defaults, it is fairly protected by the unexpected surge in the underlying asset. Moreover, since the underlying asset is more valuable, default rates for the loans goes down as people are more protective of the collateral they have placed.
The same scenario for gold is happening right now and is the reason for gold backed loan providers like MUTHOOT to hit ATHs as gold is leading the economy right now. Also, these in these scenarios, it also enables companies to offer additional loan on same gold for those who are interested Instead of keeping the loan amount same most of the gold loan companies.
Based on above, we can see that as RBI changes LTV for certain assets, we are in a position to identify potential institutions that could get a good Quarterly result and try to enter it early.
The above rates contain the ways in the Central Bank manages the monetary policy, growth and inflation in the country.
Its impact on Stock market is often seen when these rates are changed, they act as triggers for the intraday positions on that day. But overall, the outlook is always maintained on how the RBI sees the country is doing, and knee jerk reactions are limited to intraday positions. The long term stance is always well within the limits of the outlook the big players in the market are expecting.
The important thing to keep in mind is that the problems facing the economy needn’t be uni-dimensional. Problems with inflation, growth, liquidity, currency depreciation all can come together, for which the RBI will have to play a balancing role with all it powers to change these rates and the forex reserve. So the effect on the market needs to be given more thought than simply extrapolated as ‘rates go low, markets go up’.
But understanding these individual effects of these rates allows you to start putting together the puzzle of how and where the market and the economy could go.
submitted by crackedminds333 to IndianStreetBets [link] [comments]

Rogeter WE MC questions. Have to pay $13000 CAD in Pesos this summer. Should I just pay it now to get the benefit of the % cashback?

As the title states, we are doing a destination wedding and are looking at $13,000 CAD which we will be charged in Mexican Pesos. I know that the WE card is changing to USD only for the 4% back fee.
  1. Does it make sense for me to pay it now to get the 4% back
  2. When does WE pay out their cash?
  3. Any other reccomendations?
submitted by edm28 to PersonalFinanceCanada [link] [comments]

[Expansion] Fixing the Khaleeji

February 2030
The rollout of the GCC currency union has been planned for almost three decades, dating back to 2001 when the Supreme Council of the GCC set the goal of creating a common currency by 2010. It has been a saga of seemingly infinite delays, with deadlines coming and going, pushed back due to debates over what shape the union should take and how its governance should function.
Most recently, Saudi Arabia pushed the idea of reviving the single currency in 2020, but this initiative died when the country broke into civil war in 2023. It lingered in limbo until 2026 when the UAE convinced the GCC to move ahead with the implementation of the single currency, to be called the Khaleeji, by 2027.
When the Arab Oil Embargo against China started in 2027, everyone with half a brain thought that this would lead to another delay of the Khaleeji project. Surely the people in charge of implementing the new currency would not be stupid enough to try to roll out the new currency in the middle of a geopolitical economic crisis?
This did not turn out to be the case. For some reason (we’ll chalk it up to incompetency, but who the hell really knows?), the Gulf States decided to push ahead with the implementation of the Khaleeji later that year.
It went about as well as expected--which is to say, not at all. The Arab Gulf States immediately found themselves eating through foreign currency reserves trying to prop up the 1.00:3.00 Khaleeji:USD exchange rate (which was selected since it is around the current pegged exchange rate between several Gulf currencies and the USD-- the Bahraini Dinar trades at 1.00:2.65, the Kuwaiti Dinar trades at 1.00:3.27, and the Omani Rial trades at 1.00:2.60). Though the oil embargo was lifted at the end of 2028, confidence in the new currency is somewhat shaky, making the 1:3 exchange rate difficult to maintain. Still, not everything is bad for the new currency: with Bahrain mostly stabilized and set to join the currency union later this year, and Saudi Arabia on its way there, the Khaleeji should soon have two new adherents, boosting the power of the currency.
In order to ease some of these concerns and reverse FOREX outflows, the Central Bank in Dubai has elected to devalue the Khaleeji by about 6 percent, dropping its exchange rate to 1.00:2.80. This is expected to improve the health of the currency, which should translate into better economic performance. It’ll also have the unintended consequence of making exports from within the currency union relatively cheaper on the international market, boosting exports a little (except for oil and natural gas exports, which are traded in USD). Between these two policies, the Khaleeji should be stabilized, barring any sort of unfortunate shake ups in the global markets in the near future.
The Benefits of the Khaleeji
Perhaps the most immediately apparent benefit of the Khaleeji for the Arab Gulf States is how it has made trade between the GCC member states significantly easier. Previously, firms doing business in multiple member states had to account for the different currencies of each. Even though all of the currencies were pegged to the USD, this still posed a significant administrative burden which has now been wiped away, reducing the cost of doing business in the GCC and making it a more attractive market for international investment.
An unexpected, but nevertheless significant, benefit of the Khaleeji has been the expansion of tourism in the GCC. Now that there is no need to exchange currencies, tourists have found it increasingly viable to land in one member state, travel to another (using the vastly improved infrastructure between the states, including the Gulf Railway high speed passenger rail), and then leave from that state, spreading out their spending and increasing the attractiveness of the GCC as a whole as a tourist destination.
Qatar has emerged as a big winner of this. Previously, Qatar and the UAE were locked in a sort of arms race competing for tourism revenues--a war that Dubai, as the most popular tourist destination in the world, was clearly winning. With the implementation of the Khaleeji making it easier than ever to move from one country in the GCC to the other, Doha can now cast itself as an addition to Dubai rather than a direct competitor. Tourism agencies in Doha are already looking to recast the city as the “middle stop” of a larger tour route between Dubai, Abu Dhabi, Doha, and Manama, looking to attract tourists already heading to Dubai to Doha for at least part of their trip. Qatar is also emerging as a popular destination for foreign direct investment looking to capture part of the rapidly growing GCC market, since Qatar has been one of the more stable GCC member states over the past decade.
Currency Details
Denomination Form Front Face Rear Face
1 Baiza Coin A Camel Mangroves
5 Baiza Coin An Ibex Sand Dunes
10 Baiza Coin Date Palm "The Edge of the World" cliff
25 Baiza Coin A Crane Al Rajajil Standing Stones
50 Baiza Coin A Cheetah An Oasis
1 Khaleeji Coin A Lion The Jordan River
2 Khaleeji Coin An eagle Kaaba
1 Khaleeji Bill Burj Khalifa Dubai Fountains
5 Khaleeji Bill The Pearl Monument
10 Khaleeji Bill Bahrain World Trade Center Tree of Life
20 Khaleeji Bill Petra The Dead Sea
50 Khaleeji Bill Liberation Tower The Red Fort
100 Khaleeji Bill Dubai City Tower Federal Palace, Abu Dhabi
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Weekly Forex & Currency Update #23 (August 28, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.71 Billion (+0.57%); USD/PKR - 165.87 (-0.886%)

I missed a week there, sorry about that.
The percentage changes in the title are compared to the previous week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since July 30

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
July 30*, 2020 $12.5422 Billion +4.73% +4.16% $19.5629 Billion +3.44% +4.11%
August 07, 2020 $12.4693 Billion -0.58% +3.44% $19.5183 Billion -0.23% +2.98%
August 13*, 2020 $12.6084 Billion +1.12% +4.02% $19.6555 Billion +0.70% +3.19%
August 21, 2020 $12.6408 Billion +0.26% +5.55% $19.7224 Billion +0.34% +4.28%
August 28, 2020 $12.7127 Billion +0.57% +1.36% $19.8428 Billion +0.61% +1.43%
*July 31, 2020 and August 14, 2020 were public holidays.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since July 30

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
July 30, 2020* 167.57230 +0.0888% +0.4328%
August 07, 2020 167.89815 +0.1945% +0.9398%
August 13, 2020* 167.99815 +0.0596% +0.4358%
August 21, 2020 168.21480 +0.1290% +0.4726%
August 27, 2020* 167.35600 -0.5105% -0.1291%
September 04, 2020 165.87335 -0.8859% -1.2060%
*July 31, 2020 and August 14, 2020 were public holidays. Data for August 28, 2020 is not available.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on September 06, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
Update #1
Update #2
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Update #13
Update #14
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

Weekly Forex & Currency Update #24 (September 11, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.82 Billion (+0.10%); USD/PKR - 165.78 (-0.115%)

I missed a week again. If it happens again I'll put Biweekly in the title.
The percentage changes in the title are compared to the previous week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since August 13

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
August 13*, 2020 $12.6084 Billion +1.12% +4.02% $19.6555 Billion +0.70% +3.19%
August 21, 2020 $12.6408 Billion +0.26% +5.55% $19.7224 Billion +0.34% +4.28%
August 28, 2020 $12.7127 Billion +0.57% +1.36% $19.8428 Billion +0.61% +1.43%
September 04, 2020 $12.8078 Billion +0.75% +2.71% $19.9613 Billion +0.60% +2.27%
September 11, 2020 $12.8204 Billion +0.10% +1.54% $19.9590 Billion -0.01% +1.54%
*August 14, 2020 was a public holiday.
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since August 13

Date USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
August 13, 2020* 167.99815 +0.0596% +0.4358%
August 21, 2020 168.21480 +0.1290% +0.4726%
August 27, 2020* 167.35600 -0.5105% -0.1291%
September 04, 2020 165.87335 -0.8859% -1.2060%
September 11, 2020 165.96950 +0.0459% -0.0173%
September 18, 2020 165.77935 -0.1146% -1.4478%
*August 14, 2020 was a public holiday. Data for August 28, 2020 is not available.
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
Forex Data archived on September 18, 2020
USD/PKR Exchange Rate Source
Update #1
Update #2
Update #3
Update #4
Update #5
Update #6
Update #7
Update #8
Update #9
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Update #11
Update #12
Update #13
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Update #23
submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

TransferWise for foreign currency management

Has anyone here used Transferwise ( to deal with foreign currencies? I'm living in the US but frequently get wire transfers in Euros and my bank (BoA) is devouring a huge chunk off the top. My most recent transfer (received payment) was about 10k euros on 8/31 and I lost like $500 of it because it's being converted at like 1.12 when really the euusd rate hasn't been below 1.17 since early august. I called BoA to ask why this discrepancy exists and they said it's due to the rate that the sending bank gives them, which I understand, but that means I have to contact the foreign bank and deal with them which is just annoying and I know they won't change it anyway. I checked on the sending bank's site and it seems they are sending at a rate of about 1.1533 which is closer to the real rate but still about $200 lower than it should be. Looking at Transferwise it seems to imply I can create an account and for a small conversion fee, get much closer to the real forex rate which would mean an extra $300-500/month depending on the size of the payment.
Has anyone used this and if it's not a good solution, how can I keep more of my money? Both sides (receiving and sending) are being shifted significantly from the actual market exchange rate (right now for example the BOA side is converting at 1.1214 for EUR -> USD and costs 1.2449 to go from USD -> EUR...The foreign sign is like 1.15 to go EUR->USD and 1.20 going the other way. Closer, but still not good. The current market rate is actually 1.1856 as we speak).
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No, the British did not steal $45 trillion from India

This is an updated copy of the version on BadHistory. I plan to update it in accordance with the feedback I got.
I'd like to thank two people who will remain anonymous for helping me greatly with this post (you know who you are)
Three years ago a festschrift for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri was published by Shubhra Chakrabarti, a history teacher at the University of Delhi and Utsa Patnaik, a Marxist economist who taught at JNU until 2010.
One of the essays in the festschirt by Utsa Patnaik was an attempt to quantify the "drain" undergone by India during British Rule. Her conclusion? Britain robbed India of $45 trillion (or £9.2 trillion) during their 200 or so years of rule. This figure was immensely popular, and got republished in several major news outlets (here, here, here, here (they get the number wrong) and more recently here), got a mention from the Minister of External Affairs & returns 29,100 results on Google. There's also plenty of references to it here on Reddit.
Patnaik is not the first to calculate such a figure. Angus Maddison thought it was £100 million, Simon Digby said £1 billion, Javier Estaban said £40 million see Roy (2019). The huge range of figures should set off some alarm bells.
So how did Patnaik calculate this (shockingly large) figure? Well, even though I don't have access to the festschrift, she conveniently has written an article detailing her methodology here. Let's have a look.
How exactly did the British manage to diddle us and drain our wealth’ ? was the question that Basudev Chatterjee (later editor of a volume in the Towards Freedom project) had posed to me 50 years ago when we were fellow-students abroad.
This is begging the question.
After decades of research I find that using India’s commodity export surplus as the measure and applying an interest rate of 5%, the total drain from 1765 to 1938, compounded up to 2016, comes to £9.2 trillion; since $4.86 exchanged for £1 those days, this sum equals about $45 trillion.
This is completely meaningless. To understand why it's meaningless consider India's annual coconut exports. These are almost certainly a surplus but the surplus in trade is countered by the other country buying the product (indeed, by definition, trade surpluses contribute to the GDP of a nation which hardly plays into intuitive conceptualisations of drain).
Furthermore, Dewey (2019) critiques the 5% interest rate.
She [Patnaik] consistently adopts statistical assumptions (such as compound interest at a rate of 5% per annum over centuries) that exaggerate the magnitude of the drain
Moving on:
The exact mechanism of drain, or transfers from India to Britain was quite simple.
Drain theory possessed the political merit of being easily grasped by a nation of peasants. [...] No other idea could arouse people than the thought that they were being taxed so that others in far off lands might live in comfort. [...] It was, therefore, inevitable that the drain theory became the main staple of nationalist political agitation during the Gandhian era.
- Chandra et al. (1989)
The key factor was Britain’s control over our taxation revenues combined with control over India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its booming commodity export surplus with the world. Simply put, Britain used locally raised rupee tax revenues to pay for its net import of goods, a highly abnormal use of budgetary funds not seen in any sovereign country.
The issue with figures like these is they all make certain methodological assumptions that are impossible to prove. From Roy in Frankema et al. (2019):
the "drain theory" of Indian poverty cannot be tested with evidence, for several reasons. First, it rests on the counterfactual that any money saved on account of factor payments abroad would translate into domestic investment, which can never be proved. Second, it rests on "the primitive notion that all payments to foreigners are "drain"", that is, on the assumption that these payments did not contribute to domestic national income to the equivalent extent (Kumar 1985, 384; see also Chaudhuri 1968). Again, this cannot be tested. [...] Fourth, while British officers serving India did receive salaries that were many times that of the average income in India, a paper using cross-country data shows that colonies with better paid officers were governed better (Jones 2013).
Indeed, drain theory rests on some very weak foundations. This, in of itself, should be enough to dismiss any of the other figures that get thrown out. Nonetheless, I felt it would be a useful exercise to continue exploring Patnaik's take on drain theory.
The East India Company from 1765 onwards allocated every year up to one-third of Indian budgetary revenues net of collection costs, to buy a large volume of goods for direct import into Britain, far in excess of that country’s own needs.
So what's going on here? Well Roy (2019) explains it better:
Colonial India ran an export surplus, which, together with foreign investment, was used to pay for services purchased from Britain. These payments included interest on public debt, salaries, and pensions paid to government offcers who had come from Britain, salaries of managers and engineers, guaranteed profts paid to railway companies, and repatriated business profts. How do we know that any of these payments involved paying too much? The answer is we do not.
So what was really happening is the government was paying its workers for services (as well as guaranteeing profits - to promote investment - something the GoI does today Dalal (2019), and promoting business in India), and those workers were remitting some of that money to Britain. This is hardly a drain (unless, of course, Indian diaspora around the world today are "draining" it). In some cases, the remittances would take the form of goods (as described) see Chaudhuri (1983):
It is obvious that these debit items were financed through the export surplus on merchandise account, and later, when railway construction started on a large scale in India, through capital import. Until 1833 the East India Company followed a cumbersome method in remitting the annual home charges. This was to purchase export commodities in India out of revenue, which were then shipped to London and the proceeds from their sale handed over to the home treasury.
While Roy's earlier point argues better paid officers governed better, it is honestly impossible to say what part of the repatriated export surplus was a drain, and what was not. However calling all of it a drain is definitely misguided.
It's worth noting that Patnaik seems to make no attempt to quantify the benefits of the Raj either, Dewey (2019)'s 2nd criticism:
she [Patnaik] consistently ignores research that would tend to cut the economic impact of the drain down to size, such as the work on the sources of investment during the industrial revolution (which shows that industrialisation was financed by the ploughed-back profits of industrialists) or the costs of empire school (which stresses the high price of imperial defence)

Since tropical goods were highly prized in other cold temperate countries which could never produce them, in effect these free goods represented international purchasing power for Britain which kept a part for its own use and re-exported the balance to other countries in Europe and North America against import of food grains, iron and other goods in which it was deficient.
Re-exports necessarily adds value to goods when the goods are processed and when the goods are transported. The country with the largest navy at the time would presumably be in very good stead to do the latter.
The British historians Phyllis Deane and WA Cole presented an incorrect estimate of Britain’s 18th-19th century trade volume, by leaving out re-exports completely. I found that by 1800 Britain’s total trade was 62% higher than their estimate, on applying the correct definition of trade including re-exports, that is used by the United Nations and by all other international organisations.
While interesting, and certainly expected for such an old book, re-exporting necessarily adds value to goods.
When the Crown took over from the Company, from 1861 a clever system was developed under which all of India’s financial gold and forex earnings from its fast-rising commodity export surplus with the world, was intercepted and appropriated by Britain. As before up to a third of India’s rising budgetary revenues was not spent domestically but was set aside as ‘expenditure abroad’.
So, what does this mean? Britain appropriated all of India's earnings, and then spent a third of it aboard? Not exactly. She is describing home charges see Roy (2019) again:
Some of the expenditures on defense and administration were made in sterling and went out of the country. This payment by the government was known as the Home Charges. For example, interest payment on loans raised to finance construction of railways and irrigation works, pensions paid to retired officers, and purchase of stores, were payments in sterling. [...] almost all money that the government paid abroad corresponded to the purchase of a service from abroad. [...] The balance of payments system that emerged after 1800 was based on standard business principles. India bought something and paid for it. State revenues were used to pay for wages of people hired abroad, pay for interest on loans raised abroad, and repatriation of profits on foreign investments coming into India. These were legitimate market transactions.
Indeed, if paying for what you buy is drain, then several billions of us are drained every day.
The Secretary of State for India in Council, based in London, invited foreign importers to deposit with him the payment (in gold, sterling and their own currencies) for their net imports from India, and these gold and forex payments disappeared into the yawning maw of the SoS’s account in the Bank of England.
It should be noted that India having two heads was beneficial, and encouraged investment per Roy (2019):
The fact that the India Office in London managed a part of the monetary system made India creditworthy, stabilized its currency, and encouraged foreign savers to put money into railways and private enterprise in India. Current research on the history of public debt shows that stable and large colonies found it easier to borrow abroad than independent economies because the investors trusted the guarantee of the colonist powers.

Against India’s net foreign earnings he issued bills, termed Council bills (CBs), to an equivalent rupee value. The rate (between gold-linked sterling and silver rupee) at which the bills were issued, was carefully adjusted to the last farthing, so that foreigners would never find it more profitable to ship financial gold as payment directly to Indians, compared to using the CB route. Foreign importers then sent the CBs by post or by telegraph to the export houses in India, that via the exchange banks were paid out of the budgeted provision of sums under ‘expenditure abroad’, and the exporters in turn paid the producers (peasants and artisans) from whom they sourced the goods.
Sunderland (2013) argues CBs had two main roles (and neither were part of a grand plot to keep gold out of India):
Council bills had two roles. They firstly promoted trade by handing the IO some control of the rate of exchange and allowing the exchange banks to remit funds to India and to hedge currency transaction risks. They also enabled the Indian government to transfer cash to England for the payment of its UK commitments.

The United Nations (1962) historical data for 1900 to 1960, show that for three decades up to 1928 (and very likely earlier too) India posted the second highest merchandise export surplus in the world, with USA in the first position. Not only were Indians deprived of every bit of the enormous international purchasing power they had earned over 175 years, even its rupee equivalent was not issued to them since not even the colonial government was credited with any part of India’s net gold and forex earnings against which it could issue rupees. The sleight-of-hand employed, namely ‘paying’ producers out of their own taxes, made India’s export surplus unrequited and constituted a tax-financed drain to the metropolis, as had been correctly pointed out by those highly insightful classical writers, Dadabhai Naoroji and RCDutt.
It doesn't appear that others appreciate their insight Roy (2019):
K. N. Chaudhuri rightly calls such practice ‘confused’ economics ‘coloured by political feelings’.

Surplus budgets to effect such heavy tax-financed transfers had a severe employment–reducing and income-deflating effect: mass consumption was squeezed in order to release export goods. Per capita annual foodgrains absorption in British India declined from 210 kg. during the period 1904-09, to 157 kg. during 1937-41, and to only 137 kg by 1946.
Dewey (1978) points out reliability issues with Indian agriculutural statistics, however this calorie decline persists to this day. Some of it is attributed to less food being consumed at home Smith (2015), a lower infectious disease burden Duh & Spears (2016) and diversified diets Vankatesh et al. (2016).
If even a part of its enormous foreign earnings had been credited to it and not entirely siphoned off, India could have imported modern technology to build up an industrial structure as Japan was doing.
This is, unfortunately, impossible to prove. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication that India would've united (this is arguably more plausible than the given counterfactual1). Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been nuked in WW2, much like Japan. Had the British not arrived in India, there is no clear indication India would not have been invaded by lizard people, much like Japan. The list continues eternally.
Nevertheless, I will charitably examine the given counterfactual anyway. Did pre-colonial India have industrial potential? The answer is a resounding no.
From Gupta (1980):
This article starts from the premise that while economic categories - the extent of commodity production, wage labour, monetarisation of the economy, etc - should be the basis for any analysis of the production relations of pre-British India, it is the nature of class struggles arising out of particular class alignments that finally gives the decisive twist to social change. Arguing on this premise, and analysing the available evidence, this article concludes that there was little potential for industrial revolution before the British arrived in India because, whatever might have been the character of economic categories of that period, the class relations had not sufficiently matured to develop productive forces and the required class struggle for a 'revolution' to take place.
A view echoed in Raychaudhuri (1983):
Yet all of this did not amount to an economic situation comparable to that of western Europe on the eve of the industrial revolution. Her technology - in agriculture as well as manufacturers - had by and large been stagnant for centuries. [...] The weakness of the Indian economy in the mid-eighteenth century, as compared to pre-industrial Europe was not simply a matter of technology and commercial and industrial organization. No scientific or geographical revolution formed part of the eighteenth-century Indian's historical experience. [...] Spontaneous movement towards industrialisation is unlikely in such a situation.
So now we've established India did not have industrial potential, was India similar to Japan just before the Meiji era? The answer, yet again, unsurprisingly, is no. Japan's economic situation was not comparable to India's, which allowed for Japan to finance its revolution. From Yasuba (1986):
All in all, the Japanese standard of living may not have been much below the English standard of living before industrialization, and both of them may have been considerably higher than the Indian standard of living. We can no longer say that Japan started from a pathetically low economic level and achieved a rapid or even "miraculous" economic growth. Japan's per capita income was almost as high as in Western Europe before industrialization, and it was possible for Japan to produce surplus in the Meiji Period to finance private and public capital formation.
The circumstances that led to Meiji Japan were extremely unique. See Tomlinson (1985):
Most modern comparisons between India and Japan, written by either Indianists or Japanese specialists, stress instead that industrial growth in Meiji Japan was the product of unique features that were not reproducible elsewhere. [...] it is undoubtably true that Japan's progress to industrialization has been unique and unrepeatable
So there you have it. Unsubstantiated statistical assumptions, calling any number you can a drain & assuming a counterfactual for no good reason gets you this $45 trillion number. Hopefully that's enough to bury it in the ground.
1. Several authors have affirmed that Indian identity is a colonial artefact. For example see Rajan 1969:
Perhaps the single greatest and most enduring impact of British rule over India is that it created an Indian nation, in the modern political sense. After centuries of rule by different dynasties overparts of the Indian sub-continent, and after about 100 years of British rule, Indians ceased to be merely Bengalis, Maharashtrians,or Tamils, linguistically and culturally.
or see Bryant 2000:
But then, it would be anachronistic to condemn eighteenth-century Indians, who served the British, as collaborators, when the notion of 'democratic' nationalism or of an Indian 'nation' did not then exist. [...] Indians who fought for them, differed from the Europeans in having a primary attachment to a non-belligerent religion, family and local chief, which was stronger than any identity they might have with a more remote prince or 'nation'.


Chakrabarti, Shubra & Patnaik, Utsa (2018). Agrarian and other histories: Essays for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri. Colombia University Press
Hickel, Jason (2018). How the British stole $45 trillion from India. The Guardian
Bhuyan, Aroonim & Sharma, Krishan (2019). The Great Loot: How the British stole $45 trillion from India. Indiapost
Monbiot, George (2020). English Landowners have stolen our rights. It is time to reclaim them. The Guardian
Tsjeng, Zing (2020). How Britain Stole $45 trillion from India with trains | Empires of Dirt. Vice
Chaudhury, Dipanjan (2019). British looted $45 trillion from India in today’s value: Jaishankar. The Economic Times
Roy, Tirthankar (2019). How British rule changed India's economy: The Paradox of the Raj. Palgrave Macmillan
Patnaik, Utsa (2018). How the British impoverished India. Hindustan Times
Tuovila, Alicia (2019). Expenditure method. Investopedia
Dewey, Clive (2019). Changing the guard: The dissolution of the nationalist–Marxist orthodoxy in the agrarian and agricultural history of India. The Indian Economic & Social History Review
Chandra, Bipan et al. (1989). India's Struggle for Independence, 1857-1947. Penguin Books
Frankema, Ewout & Booth, Anne (2019). Fiscal Capacity and the Colonial State in Asia and Africa, c. 1850-1960. Cambridge University Press
Dalal, Sucheta (2019). IL&FS Controversy: Centre is Paying Up on Sovereign Guarantees to ADB, KfW for Group's Loan. TheWire
Chaudhuri, K.N. (1983). X - Foreign Trade and Balance of Payments (1757–1947). Cambridge University Press
Sunderland, David (2013). Financing the Raj: The City of London and Colonial India, 1858-1940. Boydell Press
Dewey, Clive (1978). Patwari and Chaukidar: Subordinate officials and the reliability of India’s agricultural statistics. Athlone Press
Smith, Lisa (2015). The great Indian calorie debate: Explaining rising undernourishment during India’s rapid economic growth. Food Policy
Duh, Josephine & Spears, Dean (2016). Health and Hunger: Disease, Energy Needs, and the Indian Calorie Consumption Puzzle. The Economic Journal
Vankatesh, P. et al. (2016). Relationship between Food Production and Consumption Diversity in India – Empirical Evidences from Cross Section Analysis. Agricultural Economics Research Review
Gupta, Shaibal (1980). Potential of Industrial Revolution in Pre-British India. Economic and Political Weekly
Raychaudhuri, Tapan (1983). I - The mid-eighteenth-century background. Cambridge University Press
Yasuba, Yasukichi (1986). Standard of Living in Japan Before Industrialization: From what Level did Japan Begin? A Comment. The Journal of Economic History
Tomblinson, B.R. (1985). Writing History Sideways: Lessons for Indian Economic Historians from Meiji Japan. Cambridge University Press
Rajan, M.S. (1969). The Impact of British Rule in India. Journal of Contemporary History
Bryant, G.J. (2000). Indigenous Mercenaries in the Service of European Imperialists: The Case of the Sepoys in the Early British Indian Army, 1750-1800. War in History
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The Next Crypto Wave: The Rise of Stablecoins and its Entry to the U.S. Dollar Market

The Next Crypto Wave: The Rise of Stablecoins and its Entry to the U.S. Dollar Market

Author: Christian Hsieh, CEO of Tokenomy
This paper examines some explanations for the continual global market demand for the U.S. dollar, the rise of stablecoins, and the utility and opportunities that crypto dollars can offer to both the cryptocurrency and traditional markets.
The U.S. dollar, dominant in world trade since the establishment of the 1944 Bretton Woods System, is unequivocally the world’s most demanded reserve currency. Today, more than 61% of foreign bank reserves and nearly 40% of the entire world’s debt is denominated in U.S. dollars1.
However, there is a massive supply and demand imbalance in the U.S. dollar market. On the supply side, central banks throughout the world have implemented more than a decade-long accommodative monetary policy since the 2008 global financial crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated the need for central banks to provide necessary liquidity and keep staggering economies moving. While the Federal Reserve leads the effort of “money printing” and stimulus programs, the current money supply still cannot meet the constant high demand for the U.S. dollar2. Let us review some of the reasons for this constant dollar demand from a few economic fundamentals.

Demand for U.S. Dollars

Firstly, most of the world’s trade is denominated in U.S. dollars. Chief Economist of the IMF, Gita Gopinath, has compiled data reflecting that the U.S. dollar’s share of invoicing was 4.7 times larger than America’s share of the value of imports, and 3.1 times its share of world exports3. The U.S. dollar is the dominant “invoicing currency” in most developing countries4.
This U.S. dollar preference also directly impacts the world’s debt. According to the Bank of International Settlements, there is over $67 trillion in U.S. dollar denominated debt globally, and borrowing outside of the U.S. accounted for $12.5 trillion in Q1 20205. There is an immense demand for U.S. dollars every year just to service these dollar debts. The annual U.S. dollar buying demand is easily over $1 trillion assuming the borrowing cost is at 1.5% (1 year LIBOR + 1%) per year, a conservative estimate.
Secondly, since the U.S. has a much stronger economy compared to its global peers, a higher return on investments draws U.S. dollar demand from everywhere in the world, to invest in companies both in the public and private markets. The U.S. hosts the largest stock markets in the world with more than $33 trillion in public market capitalization (combined both NYSE and NASDAQ)6. For the private market, North America’s total share is well over 60% of the $6.5 trillion global assets under management across private equity, real assets, and private debt investments7. The demand for higher quality investments extends to the fixed income market as well. As countries like Japan and Switzerland currently have negative-yielding interest rates8, fixed income investors’ quest for yield in the developed economies leads them back to the U.S. debt market. As of July 2020, there are $15 trillion worth of negative-yielding debt securities globally (see chart). In comparison, the positive, low-yielding U.S. debt remains a sound fixed income strategy for conservative investors in uncertain market conditions.

Source: Bloomberg
Last, but not least, there are many developing economies experiencing failing monetary policies, where hyperinflation has become a real national disaster. A classic example is Venezuela, where the currency Bolivar became practically worthless as the inflation rate skyrocketed to 10,000,000% in 20199. The recent Beirut port explosion in Lebanon caused a sudden economic meltdown and compounded its already troubled financial market, where inflation has soared to over 112% year on year10. For citizens living in unstable regions such as these, the only reliable store of value is the U.S. dollar. According to the Chainalysis 2020 Geography of Cryptocurrency Report, Venezuela has become one of the most active cryptocurrency trading countries11. The demand for cryptocurrency surges as a flight to safety mentality drives Venezuelans to acquire U.S. dollars to preserve savings that they might otherwise lose. The growth for cryptocurrency activities in those regions is fueled by these desperate citizens using cryptocurrencies as rails to access the U.S. dollar, on top of acquiring actual Bitcoin or other underlying crypto assets.

The Rise of Crypto Dollars

Due to the highly volatile nature of cryptocurrencies, USD stablecoin, a crypto-powered blockchain token that pegs its value to the U.S. dollar, was introduced to provide stable dollar exposure in the crypto trading sphere. Tether is the first of its kind. Issued in 2014 on the bitcoin blockchain (Omni layer protocol), under the token symbol USDT, it attempts to provide crypto traders with a stable settlement currency while they trade in and out of various crypto assets. The reason behind the stablecoin creation was to address the inefficient and burdensome aspects of having to move fiat U.S. dollars between the legacy banking system and crypto exchanges. Because one USDT is theoretically backed by one U.S. dollar, traders can use USDT to trade and settle to fiat dollars. It was not until 2017 that the majority of traders seemed to realize Tether’s intended utility and started using it widely. As of April 2019, USDT trading volume started exceeding the trading volume of bitcoina12, and it now dominates the crypto trading sphere with over $50 billion average daily trading volume13.
An interesting aspect of USDT is that although the claimed 1:1 backing with U.S. dollar collateral is in question, and the Tether company is in reality running fractional reserves through a loose offshore corporate structure, Tether’s trading volume and adoption continues to grow rapidly14. Perhaps in comparison to fiat U.S. dollars, which is not really backed by anything, Tether still has cash equivalents in reserves and crypto traders favor its liquidity and convenience over its lack of legitimacy. For those who are concerned about Tether’s solvency, they can now purchase credit default swaps for downside protection15. On the other hand, USDC, the more compliant contender, takes a distant second spot with total coin circulation of $1.8 billion, versus USDT at $14.5 billion (at the time of publication). It is still too early to tell who is the ultimate leader in the stablecoin arena, as more and more stablecoins are launching to offer various functions and supporting mechanisms. There are three main categories of stablecoin: fiat-backed, crypto-collateralized, and non-collateralized algorithm based stablecoins. Most of these are still at an experimental phase, and readers can learn more about them here. With the continuous innovation of stablecoin development, the utility stablecoins provide in the overall crypto market will become more apparent.

Institutional Developments

In addition to trade settlement, stablecoins can be applied in many other areas. Cross-border payments and remittances is an inefficient market that desperately needs innovation. In 2020, the average cost of sending money across the world is around 7%16, and it takes days to settle. The World Bank aims to reduce remittance fees to 3% by 2030. With the implementation of blockchain technology, this cost could be further reduced close to zero.
J.P. Morgan, the largest bank in the U.S., has created an Interbank Information Network (IIN) with 416 global Institutions to transform the speed of payment flows through its own JPM Coin, another type of crypto dollar17. Although people argue that JPM Coin is not considered a cryptocurrency as it cannot trade openly on a public blockchain, it is by far the largest scale experiment with all the institutional participants trading within the “permissioned” blockchain. It might be more accurate to refer to it as the use of distributed ledger technology (DLT) instead of “blockchain” in this context. Nevertheless, we should keep in mind that as J.P. Morgan currently moves $6 trillion U.S. dollars per day18, the scale of this experiment would create a considerable impact in the international payment and remittance market if it were successful. Potentially the day will come when regulated crypto exchanges become participants of IIN, and the link between public and private crypto assets can be instantly connected, unlocking greater possibilities in blockchain applications.
Many central banks are also in talks about developing their own central bank digital currency (CBDC). Although this idea was not new, the discussion was brought to the forefront due to Facebook’s aggressive Libra project announcement in June 2019 and the public attention that followed. As of July 2020, at least 36 central banks have published some sort of CBDC framework. While each nation has a slightly different motivation behind its currency digitization initiative, ranging from payment safety, transaction efficiency, easy monetary implementation, or financial inclusion, these central banks are committed to deploying a new digital payment infrastructure. When it comes to the technical architectures, research from BIS indicates that most of the current proofs-of-concept tend to be based upon distributed ledger technology (permissioned blockchain)19.
These institutional experiments are laying an essential foundation for an improved global payment infrastructure, where instant and frictionless cross-border settlements can take place with minimal costs. Of course, the interoperability of private DLT tokens and public blockchain stablecoins has yet to be explored, but the innovation with both public and private blockchain efforts could eventually merge. This was highlighted recently by the Governor of the Bank of England who stated that “stablecoins and CBDC could sit alongside each other20”. One thing for certain is that crypto dollars (or other fiat-linked digital currencies) are going to play a significant role in our future economy.

Future Opportunities

There is never a dull moment in the crypto sector. The industry narratives constantly shift as innovation continues to evolve. Twelve years since its inception, Bitcoin has evolved from an abstract subject to a familiar concept. Its role as a secured, scarce, decentralized digital store of value has continued to gain acceptance, and it is well on its way to becoming an investable asset class as a portfolio hedge against asset price inflation and fiat currency depreciation. Stablecoins have proven to be useful as proxy dollars in the crypto world, similar to how dollars are essential in the traditional world. It is only a matter of time before stablecoins or private digital tokens dominate the cross-border payments and global remittances industry.
There are no shortages of hypes and experiments that draw new participants into the crypto space, such as smart contracts, new blockchains, ICOs, tokenization of things, or the most recent trends on DeFi tokens. These projects highlight the possibilities for a much more robust digital future, but the market also needs time to test and adopt. A reliable digital payment infrastructure must be built first in order to allow these experiments to flourish.
In this paper we examined the historical background and economic reasons for the U.S. dollar’s dominance in the world, and the probable conclusion is that the demand for U.S. dollars will likely continue, especially in the middle of a global pandemic, accompanied by a worldwide economic slowdown. The current monetary system is far from perfect, but there are no better alternatives for replacement at least in the near term. Incremental improvements are being made in both the public and private sectors, and stablecoins have a definite role to play in both the traditional and the new crypto world.
Thank you.

[1] How the US dollar became the world’s reserve currency, Investopedia
[2] The dollar is in high demand, prone to dangerous appreciation, The Economist
[3] Dollar dominance in trade and finance, Gita Gopinath
[4] Global trades dependence on dollars, The Economist & IMF working papers
[5] Total credit to non-bank borrowers by currency of denomination, BIS
[6] Biggest stock exchanges in the world, Business Insider
[7] McKinsey Global Private Market Review 2020, McKinsey & Company
[8] Central banks current interest rates, Global Rates
[9] Venezuela hyperinflation hits 10 million percent, CNBC
[10] Lebanon inflation crisis, Reuters
[11] Venezuela cryptocurrency market, Chainalysis
[12] The most used cryptocurrency isn’t Bitcoin, Bloomberg
[13] Trading volume of all crypto assets,
[14] Tether US dollar peg is no longer credible, Forbes
[15] New crypto derivatives let you bet on (or against) Tether’s solvency, Coindesk
[16] Remittance Price Worldwide, The World Bank
[17] Interbank Information Network, J.P. Morgan
[18] Jamie Dimon interview, CBS News
[19] Rise of the central bank digital currency, BIS
[20] Speech by Andrew Bailey, 3 September 2020, Bank of England
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Any advice on foreign banking for higher yields?

Eg. Armenia - They seem to have between 4.5% and 8.5% rates depending on the currency you are depositing. I'm curious if anyone here has experience with using foreign banks for this purpose rather than getting 2% in a 360 or ally account.
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Weekly Forex & Currency Update #18 (July 17, 2020): Forex Reserves in SBP - $12.12 Billion (+0.55%); USD/PKR - 167.42 (+0.092%)

The percentage changes in the title are compared to last week.

Size of the Forex Reserves of Pakistan since June 19

Date Foreign Exchange Reserves in the SBP Week-on-Week Percentage Change (In SBP) Month-on-Month Percentage Change(In SBP)** Total Foreign Exchange Reserves Week-on-Week Percentage Change (Total) Month-on-Month Percentage Change (Total)**
June 19, 2020 $9.9612 Billion -1.44% -17.50% $16.7301 Billion -0.27% -10.04%
June 26, 2020 $11.2310 Billion +12.75% +8.39% $17.9710 Billion +7.42% +6.07%
July 03, 2020 $12.0416 Billion +7.22% +19.27% $18.7901 Billion +4.56% +12.48%
July 10, 2020 $12.0549 Billion +0.11% +19.27% $18.9526 Billion +0.86% +12.98%
July 17, 2020 $12.1216 Billion +0.55% +21.69% $19.0473 Billion +0.50% +13.85%
**A month refers to four weeks, as the data is released on a weekly basis.

USD/PKR Mid-Market Daily Average Exchange Rate since June 19

Date* USD to PKR Exchange Rate Week-on-Week Percentage Change Month-on-Month Percentage Change**
June 19, 2020 166.85800 +1.3985% +3.8389%
June 26, 2020 167.49310 +0.3806% +2.5611%
July 03, 2020 166.85015 -0.3839% +2.1757%
July 10, 2020 166.33500 -0.3088% +1.0806%
July 17, 2020 167.26925 +0.5617% +0.2465%
July 24, 2020 167.42360 +0.0923% -0.0415%
**A month refers to four weeks to keep consistent with the last chart
Foreign Exchange Reserve Size Source
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submitted by AAAbbasi786 to pakistan [link] [comments]

[Hot talk] A must-see for Forex investors! As Fed's zero interest rate will be maintained until 2023, there are the three possible effects on the economy

[Hot talk] A must-see for Forex investors! As Fed's zero interest rate will be maintained until 2023, there are the three possible effects on the economy
Forex War
QE enables more efficient circulation of global capital, and foreign exchange will become an important medium. Investors use the foreign exchange market to buy stocks, bond markets, futures markets, and even real estate markets in various countries. The foreign exchange market fluctuates violently. For foreign exchange investors who want to profit from it, or do not want to lose money, they have to look at the exchange rate cycle under QE.
QE continues to depreciate the U.S. dollar, while gold and the euro appreciate. This is also what is happening in the investment market. However, after the implementation of QE for a long time, the foreign exchange market will enter a major reversal stage. During the period, the US dollar will begin to stabilize and rebound. The main reason is that the US economy is gradually improving. The Fed will gradually withdraw from quantitative easing, causing market funds to flow into the US dollar. The economy will have the opportunity to follow in the US. Gold and the euro will fall sharply at this stage. The improvement in the US economic environment will also attract capital to continue to flow into US dollar assets, and US stocks will rise.
For example, since the 2008 financial tsunami, the United States has introduced three QE policies. From the attached EURUSD weekly line, we can see that after each QE launch, EURUSD will rise, and when the QE ends in 2014, European and American currencies have fallen sharply for several weeks.
Under the economic contraction, the liquidity released by QE to the market will not cause inflation in the short term. However, when the economy improves and investors restore confidence, the excessively released liquidity may be transformed into inflation. As QE stimulated the speculative atmosphere in the market, funds flowed to the stock or property market, triggering a sharp rise in asset prices.
Capitalists will be the winners under QE, and the actual wages of ordinary citizens will shrink. But the paradox is that the central bank wants to stimulate consumption, but consumers may be more cautious in the economic downturn. Many people choose to save, which reduces the circulation of money in disguise.
Rising of Zombie companies
Zombie companies may be arise. Some companies are already on the verge of bankruptcy under market competition, but they can barely maintain operations because of subsidies and low-interest bank loans. Because such companies are actually lacking in competitiveness, if the central bank gradually raises interest rates in the later period of QE, these companies are bound to close down, which will trigger another wave of unemployment.
Sum up QE also brings many problems. First, if economic activities fail to cooperate, the most direct problem is to exacerbate the disparity between the rich and the poor; while hot money floods the market, loans increase, and funds flow to the stock market and property market. If QE continues for many years, it will form bubble assets in the long run. problem.
submitted by top1markets to u/top1markets [link] [comments]

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How to make money on the Forex market? - YouTube

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